⌛ Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis

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Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis



You can get help on any level Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis study from high school, certificate, diploma, degree, masters, and Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis. Reconstruction Amendments 13th Amendment 14th Amendment 15th Amendment. On Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis evening of Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis 19,Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis Newton, who Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis then 16 years old, stepped into a cab in Baltimore Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis a friend, Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis half a block, The Wisdom Of Odysseus In Homers Odyssey Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis and killed the driver, Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis Mintz. Jackson, Kenneth T. As president, Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis did just that: During his second term, incarceration rates began Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis historic rise. If Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis quit "without Racialized Mass Incarceration Analysis of permission" they would lose all of their wages.

Mass Incarceration, Visualized

For the next decade, incarceration rates shot up even further. The justification for resorting to incarceration was the same in as it was in Many African Americans concurred that crime was a problem. The argument that high crime is the predictable result of a series of oppressive racist policies does not render the victims of those policies bulletproof.

Likewise, noting that fear of crime is well grounded does not make that fear a solid foundation for public policy. In , the ACLU published a report noting a year uptick in marijuana arrests. And yet by the close of the 20th century, prison was a more common experience for young black men than college graduation or military service. This conclusion was reached not warily, but lustily. As a presidential candidate, Bill Clinton flew home to Arkansas to preside over the execution of Ricky Ray Rector, a mentally disabled, partially lobotomized black man who had murdered two people in Joe Biden, then the junior senator from Delaware, quickly became the point man for showing that Democrats would not go soft on criminals.

The liberal wing of the Democratic Party is for , new state prison cells. In Texas, the Democratic governor, Ann Richards, had come to power in advocating rehabilitation, but she ended up following the national trend, curtailing the latitude of judges and the parole board in favor of fixed sentencing, which gave power to prosecutors. In New York, another liberal governor, Mario Cuomo, found himself facing an exploding prison population. After voters rejected funding for more prisons, Cuomo pulled the money from the Urban Development Corporation, an agency that was supposed to build public housing for the poor. It did—in prison. Under the avowedly liberal Cuomo, New York added more prison beds than under all his predecessors combined.

This was penal welfarism at its finest. Prison presented a solution: jobs for whites, and warehousing for blacks. Dark predictions of rising crime did not bear out. Like the bestial blacks of the 19th century, super-predators proved to be the stuff of myth. This realization cannot be regarded strictly as a matter of hindsight. In the end, she voted for it. Pepper also voted for it. In , President Clinton signed a new crime bill, which offered grants to states that built prisons and cut back on parole.

Those were, and are, real problems. But even in trying to explain his policies, Clinton neglected to retract the assumption underlying them—that incarcerating large swaths of one population was a purely well-intended, logical, and nonracist response to crime. Even at the time of its passage, Democrats—much like the Republican Nixon a quarter century earlier—knew that the crime bill was actually about something more than that. On the evening of December 19, , Odell Newton, who was then 16 years old, stepped into a cab in Baltimore with a friend, rode half a block, then shot and killed the driver, Edward Mintz. The State of Maryland charged Odell with crimes including murder in the first degree and sentenced him to life in prison.

He has now spent 41 years behind bars, but by all accounts he is a man reformed. He has repeatedly expressed remorse for his crimes. He has not committed an infraction in 36 years. The Maryland Parole Commission has recommended Odell for release three times since In the s, when Odell committed his crime, this was largely a formality. But in our era of penal cruelty, Maryland has effectively abolished parole for lifers—even juvenile offenders such as Odell. In , the U. Supreme Court ruled that life sentences without the possibility of parole for juveniles found guilty of crimes other than homicide were unconstitutional.

Two years later, it held the same for mandatory life sentences without parole for juvenile homicide offenders. But the Court has yet to rule on whether that more recent decision was retroactive. The vast majority of them—84 percent—are black. Clara had just driven seven hours round-trip to visit Odell at Eastern Correctional Institution, on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, and she was full of worry. He was being treated for hepatitis. He had sores around his eyes. I asked Clara how they managed to visit Odell regularly. She explained that family members trade visits. I got so bad one time, I was losing weight … Just thinking, Was it gonna be all right? Was it gonna kill him? Was he gonna die? Clara was born and raised in Westmoreland, Virginia. She had her first child, Jackie, when she was only They moved to Baltimore so that John could pursue a job at a bakery.

They were married for 53 years, until John passed away, in Odell Newton was born in When he was 4 years old, he fell ill and almost died. The family took him to the hospital. Doctors put a hole in his throat to help him breathe. They transferred Odell to another hospital, where he was diagnosed with lead poisoning. It turned out that he had been putting his mouth on the windowsill. In prison, Odell has repeatedly attempted to gain his G. In June of , the family moved into a nicer house, in Edmondson Village. Sometime around ninth grade, Clara began to suspect that Odell was lagging behind the other kids in his class.

Odell Newton is now If men and women like Odell are cast deep within the barrens of the Gray Wastes, their families are held in a kind of orbit, on the outskirts, by the relentless gravity of the carceral state. For starters, the family must contend with the financial expense of having a loved one incarcerated. And then there is the emotional weight, a mix of anger and sadness. While I was in Detroit last winter, I interviewed Patricia Lowe, whose son Edward Span had been incarcerated at age 16, sentenced to nine and a half to 15 years for carjacking, among other offenses.

When I met with Patricia, Edward was about three years into his sentence, and she was as worried for him as she was angry at him. She was afraid he was being extorted by other prisoners. So you gave me heartache out here. But the heartache was unavoidable. But I know different because he has a female friend he calls. Two years later, he took a job with the State of Maryland as a corrections officer. For 20 years, while one son, Odell, served time under the state, another son, Tim, worked for it. Whereas inmates had once done their time and gone to pre-release facilities, now they were staying longer.

Requirements for release became more onerous. Meanwhile, the prisons were filling to capacity and beyond. The prisons began holding two people in cells meant for one. They cut out the weights being in the yard. The overcrowding, the stripping of programs and resources, were part of the national movement toward punishing inmates more harshly and for longer periods. Officially, Maryland has two kinds of life sentences—life with the possibility of parole, and life without. Ehrlich Jr. This changed almost nothing. This is not sound policy for fighting crime or protecting citizens. In Maryland, the average lifer who has been recommended for but not granted release is 60 years old. Almost none of those 80 or so men and women, despite meeting a stringent set of requirements, was granted release by the governor.

The choice given to judges to levy sentences for life either with or without parole no longer has any meaning. Newton as an employee, and would rehire Odell at any time. But the program was suspended for lifers in May of , after a convicted murderer fled while visiting his son. The Stokes killing followed just weeks later. After that, parole was effectively taken off the table for all lifers, and Maryland ended work release for them as well.

Believing for years that Odell was on his way to coming home, and then seeing the road to freedom snatched away, frustrated the family. It would be wrong to conclude from this that family is irrelevant. Odell was born in the midst of an era of government-backed housing discrimination. Indeed, Baltimore was a pioneer in this practice—in , the city council had zoned the city by race. After the U. Supreme Court ruled such explicit racial-zoning schemes unconstitutional, in , the city turned to other means—restrictive covenants, civic associations, and redlining—to keep blacks isolated. You can see that on display here in this conversation with Terry Gross. These efforts curtailed the ability of black people to buy better housing, to move to better neighborhoods, and to build wealth.

Also, by confining black people to the same neighborhoods, these efforts ensured that people who were discriminated against, and hence had little, tended to be neighbors only with others who also had little. Thus while an individual in that community might be high-achieving, even high-earning, his or her ability to increase that achievement and wealth and social capital, through friendship, marriage, or neighborhood organizations, would always be limited.

A lot of this section depends on the ever-insightful Robert Sampson, and more broadly the focus on neighborhood dynamics in contemporary sociology. The notion of compounded deprivation, which Rob discusses here, really elucidates the difficulty in making easy comparisons between blacks and whites. Specifically, the world of the black middle class is—because of policy—significantly poorer. Thus to wonder about the difference in outcomes between the black and white middle class, is really to wonder about the difference in weight between humans living on the Earth and humans living on the moon. Finally, racial zoning condemned black people to the oldest and worst housing in the city—the kind where one was more likely to be exposed, as Odell Newton was, to lead. That families are better off the stronger and more stable they are is self-evidently important.

But so is the notion that no family can ever be made impregnable, that families are social structures existing within larger social structures. Black people face this tangle of perils at its densest. In a recent study, Sampson and a co-author looked at two types of deprivation—being individually poor, and living in a poor neighborhood. Unsurprisingly, they found that blacks tend to be individually poor and to live in poor neighborhoods. But even blacks who are not themselves individually poor are more likely to live in poor neighborhoods than whites and Latinos who are individually poor. For black people, escaping poverty does not mean escaping a poor neighborhood.

And blacks are much more likely than all other groups to fall into compounded deprivation later in life Taken from a forthcoming paper by Sampson and Kristin L. But what the data show is that you have these multiple assaults on life chances that make transcending those circumstances difficult and at times nearly impossible. Shakur is a community activist and the author of two books chronicling his road to prison, his experience inside, and his return to society.

Shakur, who is 42, recalls a town ravaged by deindustrialization, where unemployment was rampant, social institutions had failed, and gangs had taken their place. Drugs, gangs, lack of education all came to the forefront. And prison and incarceration. Taylor, who is 66, recalls a more hopeful community where black professionals lived next door to black factory workers and black maids and black gangsters, and the streets were packed with bars, factories, and restaurants. It was smaller factories all up and down. But the strip was here also. The legendary Chit Chat Lounge was down here, where the Motown and jazz musicians played. We stopped on the desolate corner of Hazelwood and 12th Street. He pointed out at the street, gesturing toward businesses and neighbors long gone.

There was a black woman right here that owned a drapery-cleaning business. Negroes used to have draperies! Here was the wig shop and the beauty salon for the street girls. I lived right here, and this is a very powerful place for me. And within those boundaries an order took root. This world was the product of oppression—but it was a world beloved by the people who lived there. It is a matter of some irony that the time period and the communities Taylor was describing with fond nostalgia are the same ones that so alarmed Daniel Patrick Moynihan in On July 23, , the Detroit police raided an after-hours watering hole on the West Side. As Thomas J. Automakers began moving to other parts of the country, and eventually to other parts of the world.

The loss of jobs meant a loss of buying power, affecting drugstores, grocery stores, restaurants, and department stores. One of my great irritants is how so much of our discussions on race and racism proceed from the notion that American history begins in the s. The discussions around Detroit is the obvious example. There is a popular narrative which holds that Detroit was a glorious city and the riots ruined it. Thomas J. Black residents of Detroit had to cope not just with the same structural problems as white residents but also with pervasive racism. Within a precarious economy, black people generally worked the lowest-paying jobs. Some were better educated than others. But all were constricted, not by a tangle of pathologies, but by a tangle of structural perils.

The fires of conveniently obscured those perils. Possibly two of their mothers have been killed. I never talked with a lawyer until he was sending me to prison. I never talked with a judge until he convicted me. The blacks incarcerated in this country are not like the majority of Americans. They do not merely hail from poor communities—they hail from communities that have been imperiled across both the deep and immediate past, and continue to be imperiled today. Peril is generational for black people in America—and incarceration is our current mechanism for ensuring that the peril continues. Incarceration pushes you out of the job market. Incarceration disqualifies you from feeding your family with food stamps.

Incarceration allows for housing discrimination based on a criminal-background check. Incarceration increases your risk of homelessness. Incarceration increases your chances of being incarcerated again. If generational peril is the pit in which all black people are born, incarceration is the trapdoor closing overhead. The compounded deprivation that African Americans experience is a challenge even independent of all the characteristics we think are protective.

Characteristics such as the one Daniel Patrick Moynihan focused on—family. Moynihan is in the midst of a renaissance. In their version of history, a courageous and blameless Moynihan made one mistake: He told the truth. For his sins—loving the black family enough to be honest—Moynihan was crucified by an intolerant cabal of obstinate leftists and Black Power demagogues. This seems like the right place to thank Peter-Christian Aigner , who is working on a biography of Moynihan. Nationalist leaders like Malcolm X drew much of their appeal through their calls for shoring up the black family.

Even if we have to displace some females. Crime really did begin to rise during the early s. But by this point, Moynihan had changed. In casting African Americans as beyond the purview of polite and civilized society, in referring to them as a race of criminals, Moynihan joined the long tradition of black criminalization. One does not build a safety net for a race of predators. One builds a cage. Whatever the slings and arrows Moynihan suffered in the s, his vision dominates liberal political discourse today. For African Americans, unfreedom is the historical norm.

Enslavement lasted for nearly years. The years that followed have encompassed debt peonage, convict lease-labor, and mass incarceration—a period that overlapped with Jim Crow. In the case of blacks, however: "the duty of the sheriff of the proper county to hire out said freedman, free negro or mulatto, to any person who will, for the shortest period of service, pay said fine or forfeiture and all costs.

Another law allowed the state to take custody of children whose parents could or would not support them; these children would then be "apprenticed" to their former owners. Other laws prevented blacks from buying liquor and carrying weapons; punishment often involved "hiring out" the culprit's labor for no pay. Mississippi rejected the Thirteenth Amendment on December 5, General Oliver O. Howard , national head of the Freedmen's Bureau, declared in November that most of the Mississippi Black Code was invalid. The next state to pass Black Codes was South Carolina, which had on November 13 ratified the Thirteenth Amendment—with a qualification that Congress did not have the authority to regulate the legal status of freedmen.

Newly elected governor James Lawrence Orr said that blacks must be "restrained from theft, idleness, vagrancy and crime, and taught the absolute necessity of strictly complying with their contracts for labor". South Carolina's new law on "Domestic Relations of Persons of Color" established wide-ranging rules on vagrancy resembling Mississippi's. Conviction for vagrancy allowed the state to "hire out" blacks for no pay.

The law also called for a special tax on blacks all males and unmarried females , with non-paying blacks again guilty of vagrancy. The law enabled forcible apprenticeship of children of impoverished parents, or of parents who did not convey "habits of industry and honesty". The South Carolina law created separate courts for Black people, and authorized capital punishment for crimes including theft of cotton. The South Carolina Code clearly borrowed terms and concepts from the old slave codes, re-instituting a rating system of "full" or "fractional" farmhands and often referring to bosses as "masters". In a memorial petition to Congress, the Convention expressed gratitude for emancipation and establishment of the Freedmen's Bureau, but requested in addition to suffrage "that the strong arm of law and order be placed alike over the entire people of this State; that life and property be secured, and the laborer as free to sell his labor as the merchant his goods.

Some Whites, meanwhile, thought the new laws did not go far enough. One planter suggested that the new laws would require paramilitary enforcement: "As for making the negroes work under the present state of affairs it seems to me a waste of time and energy We must have mounted Infantry that the freedmen know distinctly that they succeed the Yankees to enforce whatever regulations we can make.

Even as the legislators passed these laws, they despaired of the forthcoming response from Washington. James Hemphill said: "It will be hard to persuade the freedom shriekers that the American citizens of African descent are obtaining their rights. In a special session held in September , the legislature passed some new laws in concession to the rights of free Blacks. Shortly after, it rejected the Fourteenth Amendment. The Louisiana legislature, seeking to ensure that freedmen were "available to the agricultural interests of the state", passed similar yearly contract laws and expanded its vagrancy laws.

Its vagrancy laws did not specify Black culprits, though they did provide a "good behavior" loophole subject to plausibly racist interpretation. Louisiana passed harsher fugitive worker laws and required blacks to present dismissal paperwork to new employers. State legislation was amplified by local authorities, who ran less risk of backlash from the federal government. Opelousas, Louisiana , passed a notorious code which required freedpeople to have written authorization to enter the town. The code prevented freedpeople from living in the town or walking at night except under supervision of a White resident. Conway , the Freedmen's Bureau commissioner for Louisiana, testified in [24].

Some of the leading officers of the state down there—men who do much to form and control the opinions of the masses—instead of doing as they promised, and quietly submitting to the authority of the government, engaged in issuing slave codes and in promulgating them to their subordinates, ordering them to carry them into execution, and this to the knowledge of state officials of a higher character, the governor and others. These codes were simply the old black code of the state, with the word 'slave' expunged, and 'Negro' substituted.

The most odious features of slavery were preserved in them. Conway describes surveying the Louisiana jails and finding large numbers of Black men who had been secretly incarcerated. These included members of the Seventy-Fourth Colored Infantry who had been arrested the day after they were discharged. The state passed a harsher version of its code in , criminalizing "impudence", "swearing", and other signs of "disobedience" as determined by whites.

Of the Black Codes passed in after the Northern reaction had become apparent , only Florida's rivaled those of Mississippi and South Carolina in severity. The Florida vagrancy law allowed for punishments of up to one year of labor. These laws applied to any "person of color", which was defined as someone with at least one Negro great-grandparent , or one-eighth black ancestry. In Maryland, a fierce battle began immediately after emancipation by the Maryland Constitution of over requiring apprenticeship of young black people. By , Former slave owners rushed to place the children of freedpeople in multi-year apprenticeships; the Freedmen's Bureau and some others tried to stop them.

The legislature stripped Baltimore Judge Hugh Lennox Bond of his position because he cooperated with the Bureau in this matter. North Carolina's Black Code specified racial differences in punishment, establishing harsher sentences for Blacks convicted of rape. The Texas Constitutional Convention met in February , declined to ratify the already effective Thirteenth Amendment, provided that Blacks would be "protected in their rights of person and property by appropriate legislation" and guaranteed some degree of rights to testify in court.

The legislature defined Negroes as people with at least one African great-grandparent. After they had made a contract, they were bound to it. If they quit "without cause of permission" they would lose all of their wages. Negroes were not allowed to vote, hold office, sit on juries, serve in local militia, carry guns on plantations, homestead, or attend public schools. Interracial marriage was banned.

Even to commentators who favored the codes, this "wide latitude in punishment" seemed to imply a clear "anti-Negro bias". Tennessee had been occupied by the Union for a long period during the war. As military governor of Tennessee , Andrew Johnson declared a suspension of the slave code in September However, these laws were still enforced in lower courts. Tennessee had a particularly urgent desire to re-enter the Union's good graces and end the occupation. However, Tennessee society, including its judicial system, retained the same racist attitudes as did other states.

Although its legal code did not discriminate against Blacks so explicitly, its law enforcement and criminal justice systems relied more heavily on racist enforcement discretion to create a de facto Black Code. The legislature passed two laws on May 17, ; one to "Punish all Armed Prowlers, Guerilla, Brigands , and Highway Robbers "; the other to authorize capital punishment for thefts, burglary , and arson. These laws were targeted at Blacks and enforced disproportionately against Blacks, but did not discuss race explicitly. Tennessee law permitted Blacks to testify against Whites in , but this change did not immediately take practical effect in the lower courts. Tennessee enacted new vagrancy and enticement laws in Kentucky had established a system of leasing prison labor in Kentucky did not secede from the Union and therefore gained wide leeway from the federal government during Reconstruction.

The result was a set of Black Codes passed in early These granted a set of rights: to own property, make contracts, and some other innovations. The Freedmen's Bureau in Kentucky was especially weak and could not mount a significant response. Some legislation also created informal, de facto discrimination against Blacks. A new law against hunting on Sundays, for example, prevented Black workers from hunting on their only day off. Kentucky law prevented Blacks from testifying against Whites, a restriction which the federal government sought to remedy by providing access to federal courts through the Civil Rights Act of Kentucky challenged the constitutionality of these courts and prevailed in Blyew v.

United States This regime of white-dominated labor was not identified by the North as involuntary servitude until after After creating the Civil Rights Section in , the Federal Department of Justice launched a wave of successful Thirteenth Amendment prosecutions against involuntary servitude in the South. Many of the Southern vagrancy laws remained in force until the Supreme Court's Papachristou v. Jacksonville decision in Even after Papachristou , police activity in many parts of the United States discriminates against racial minority groups. Gary Stewart has identified contemporary gang injunctions —which target young Black or Latino men who gather in public—as a conspicuous legacy of Southern Black Codes.

The desire to recuperate the labor of officially emancipated people is common among societies most notably in Latin America that were built on slave labor. Vagrancy laws and peonage systems are widespread features of post-slavery societies. Historians have also compared the end of the slavery in the United States to the formal decolonization of Asian and African nations. Like emancipation, decolonization was a landmark political change—but its significance, according to some historians, was tempered by the continuity of economic exploitation.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Discriminatory state and local laws passed after the Civil War. For black codes in the French Empire, see Code Noir. For other uses, see Black Code disambiguation. Black schools Historically black colleges and universities Fraternities Stepping. Studies Art Literature. Martin Luther King Jr. African-American businesses Middle class Upper class Billionaires. Institutions Black church. Black theology Womanist theology. LGBT community. Dialects and languages. Violence in the Atlanta race riot. Historical background. Bush Stephen Williams Frazier B. Massacres and riots. Related topics.

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